Does the Kurdish movement want reconciliation and peace? - AYŞE BÖHÜRLER

Does the Kurdish movement want reconciliation and peace?

The 1990s were the years of trauma for all of us.

Our stance against the things experienced in the Southeast of the country and the view of the Islamic fraction on this issue are obvious.

May those who are not lazy look at the publications. Today neither the government is the government of that time, nor the outlawed PKK, nor the regional powers and situation.

Confusing today with those days emerges a situation suitable for sophistry which does not work at all.

In the picture that appeared today being next to the Kurdish people and being subdued by the Kurdish people under the regional dynamics are not the same things.

Without separating these from each other, it is not possible to talk about peace.

I found one of the analyses on GMF's (The German Marshall Fund of the United States - a think tank) website by evaluating these three dynamics together and an analysis looking at the issue integrally.

I want to share Galip Dalay's article by summarizing it.

The article very well summarizes the situation that there is no desire in the Kurdish movement for "reconciliation and peace," on the contrary it imposes saying that this is the opportunity.

Dalan says that:

-The evolution of the Kurdish movement's political goals and its resoluteness in pursuing them have been going on.

-In the late 1990s and early 2000s, the Kurdish movement's reference point on the advancement of Kurdish rights in Turkey was the European Union's norms. The context has changed for the PKK now. Kurdish gains in Syria and Iraq are now the PKK's primary reference point.

-The PKK has tried to replicate the experience of the PYD in the Kurdish part of Turkey by attempting to forcefully occupy some Kurdish neighborhoods, districts, and towns, declaring what it calls “democratic self-governance” and de facto wresting political authority over these areas from the central government.

- The PKK's new political aspirations formed the backdrop to the recent urban warfare. This is redrawing the lines within the Kurdish movement and affecting Kurdish society…

-Particularly after Turkey's shooting down of the Russian jet, PKK has been emboldened by the gains of the Democratic Union Party (PYD) in the Kurdish part of Syria.

- After all these that happened the PKK has become less compromising and more assertive.

- The interruption of the peace process is not a unilateral process, it cannot only be ascribed to the government's lack of seriousness on the peace process.

- Intermittent clashes soon morphed into low-intensity warfare as the PKK tried to replicate its Syria strategy in Turkey, bringing the fighting into the urban centers and laying siege to neighborhoods, towns, and districts.

- The government responded to this by imposing curfews in many districts and cities, affecting the social, economic, and political lives of approximately 1.5 million people.

- Players on the Kurdish political scene are not only limited to the PKK, but include the DTK (Democratic Society Organization), HDP (People's Democratic Party), KDP (Kurdistan Democratic Party Iraq), PYD (Democratic Union Party) and YPG (People's Protection Units)

- The PKK desires to be the primary power in the Kurdish region. However, this cannot happen in Turkey's current political system.

- In the meantime, the PKK regards the PYD's territorial and administrative gains in the Kurdish part of Syria as one of its most significant achievements.

- If the PKK is faced with a trade-off between the advancement of the Kurdish peace process in Turkey or entrenching its gains in Syria, it will choose the latter. It believes that the current situation in Syria provides it with a historical opportunity that may not be repeated. As for the peace process in Turkey, the thinking is there will always be a possibility for pushing the restart button.

As Turkey fights for a regional presence, we should of course be on the side of “our own country.”


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