Political scholastics… - SÜLEYMAN SEYFI ÖĞÜN

Political scholastics…

The 2015 Elections are not fitting into a race only between AK Party and CHP, MHP and HDP. The “irreconcilable contradiction” between HDP and MHP is quite clear. This is also not what we are mentioning. The actual race is happening even deeper. If we zoom closer, this could be seen clearly.

What can be seen easily is; the contention between CHP and MHP. Will CHP lose the votes of the nationalist to MHP? If so, then to what extent will this be actualized? This question is as important as the “To what extent will MHP regain a part of their voter base which they lost to AK Party previously?” question.

The other question, which I regard as more important, is this; “To what extent will HDP acquire the votes of Alawite citizens, who had been known as obstinate CHP voters however are known to have different political pursuits outside CHP nowadays?”

Especially, let's approach the matter from the point of HDP, who aspired to gain votes of the Alawites who are cross with CHP and who are taking substantial moves in this matter. We can accept the fact that the Alawite base is an important escape for HDP who is struggling with the 10% threshold. Also, it is certain that this has a side like the political power increase and should be regarded considerable as of every political party's natural expectations. The matter, which can accept an objection, is the attempt to place HDP on to the “Becoming Turkish” focus.

Politically procuring organic masses and going for a base expansion shouldn't be regarded as a move that will create permanent effects and is quite meaningful particularly for parties with “left-wing” claims. In order for the process to be permanent, the veins, which decipher the inequalities hidden by the organic structures, should be opened. Rendering the tensions between the organic structures as the politics' sole capital is equal to blocking politics. Polarization is the function of carrying differentiations over organic, simplifying distinctions.

No matter how the tensions or conflicts between the organic structures are conducted with sharp intonations or flamboyantly, fundamentally they are a loss of political willpower. Let us open this a little bit. For example, no matter which organic structure nationalism politics focus on, whether it's conducted over Turkishness or Kurdishness, it will give the same result. In this sense, it's stating a parameter deficiency. However, Turks or Kurds, are carrying a wide and rich differentiation within themselves. The organic view is overshadowing the destiny and benefits unity, which is placed on more concrete equivalents between advantaged Turks and Kurds and disadvantaged Turks and Kurds. For example, the organic identity references of people, who are working in an uncontrolled subcontractor system and share the same fate, are not overly meaningful. This is as meaningless as the national and the gross national mafia distinction.

We can also say similar things for the politics that are conducted over the Sunni-Alawite distinction. Life is actually sending warnings related with these topics. Did we question the ethnic or religious identities or organic relations of the workers who lost their lives in the elevator tragedy in Mecidiyeköy? What will be the meaning of a woman, who has been slaughtered by her husband or lover, being Sunni or Alawite, or, Turkish or Kurdish?

It's now clearly seen that the sterilization of politics and conducting politics on organic essentials are in direct proportion. In some aspect, politics is a field where there are reckonings between advantaged and disadvantaged human conditions. The problem here is the dulling of distinctions between disadvantaged and advantaged people, and reading them as constants. This dulling is the scholastic of politics.

A political scholastic is to pave the way for another mental dislocation and even blindness. After a certain point, it is the habit or reading of disadvantaged situations or the disadvantaged people. However, what will open politics even further and carry it to a sustainable pluralism is to be able to read advantaged people over advantaged situations and disadvantaged people over disadvantaged situations. In order for this reading to be clear, it's required that the situations be identified preferentially and reasonably.

We all know that advantaged and disadvantaged situations in life are extremely relational and variable. The ones, who look innocent and disadvantaged in some moments, conditions and relations, may become relentless and advantaged in another. The disadvantaged ones in relations between organic communities will confront us an advantaged actors in relations in intra communities. Of course, the contrary is also valid.

Requesting the irrecusable and undeferable solution of the Kurdish and Alawite issues is essential for exceeding this blur and blockage. Becoming Turkish starts at the point of solving the political scholastics rather than forming alliances between two political scholastics. The life experience, which we miss and which is culturally plural and purified from polarizations, can only sprout in environments, which are purified from the political scholastics' embargos, where individual comments are fertilized and this fertilization is not scorned.



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