For the past 10 years, Turkey had been trying to clean itself with structural reforms, judiciary phases and executive reflexes. Thus, trying to liquidate a dark tradition, the guardianship layout.
Though, its clear that a "cleaning tiredness" is being experienced. The "cleaning process", which is not carried out in order, involves different rulership struggles, produces hierarchies that lean on a different center inside the state, paves the way for new law and right violations, and even harbors the possibility to create democracratic heroes from coup-minded people, is encountering legitimacy and persuasiveness issues from time to time and also diverged to a side road while drifting away from the main objective. This is what lies behind the parallel structure operation inside the police, which started in the past few days. From this point, the issue here is not only the coup attempt against the political power, but also the autonomous and anomalous area being formed inside the system.
One thing is clear: The actors of this area had played an important role in the cleaning attempt oriented at guardianship.
During the moments and periods they had stated inside law, they had pointed out the existence of another dirtiness and clamped down on it. Though, by the time they had started to operate for another account after exceeding the limits of the law and at the point they had used this cleaning attempt and dirtied it, they had produced another gigantic problem.
There is no complicated situation:
Today, aside from the defendants, which had suffered from the misuse of cleaning cases, and the situations that produce victimhood, we are encountering two dark focuses. The first one is the Ergenekon tissue, the second is the parallel tissue. These two dark points won"t cancel each other out and one"s darkness won"t make the other white. For example, Yilmazer"s arrest won"t justify Veli Küçük. Or on the contrary, Ergenekon"s straight legs won"t put away Yilmazer"s skewed legs.
We see that some people are having a hard time understanding this intertwined situation and are being confused with this equation with two unknowns, but this doesn"t change the reality.
For example, the Yilmazer squad, which had Veli Küçük arrested, was about to arrest names like Ferhat Kentel, Mesut Yegen in the KCK case. The columnists, which affirm the Gülen-led group and regard the recent arrests as the government"s reply to the corruption on the government, were facing a similar situation. Their participations in the Kurdish Workshop at Brussels, flight tickets and hotel invoices were being transformed into evidence, their every contact in the southeast was being reported and tracked. They were almost included in the juridical investigations. The only reason behind these was the "Kurdish policy perspective".
The rulership struggle was the incident that had put a stop to this period. The blindness, which is created by the condition of being unable to understand that linear idea habits like Ergenekon, the parallel structure, various corruption incidents and coup attempts, are calamities that can exist at the same time, is so fatal!
In my article "Why are we becoming authoritative", which I had written one month before the MIT crisis in January 2012, I had pointed out the following element as a basic reason for becoming authoritative alongside government policies and style:
"The police-courthouse tissue and operation, which is becoming autonomous increasingly"…
As for the problem, I had described it as such:
"The importance of this tissue is arising from having created an operation that competes with the political decision mechanism. As a matter of fact, all the judiciary investigations about the Ergenekon, KCK and military issues are being operated based on "police intelligence units", which had the general and systematic pursuit authority. In the pursuits and investigations that continued for months, prosecutors are having an "affirmative and legitimatizing" function rather than "directive and inspective". The court committee follows them as of the files presented in front of them. In this case, this structure is not aiming at crime pursuit, but rather aiming at the crime area and the creation and administration of policies. What allows for this is their possession of the "range recognition" tools under the name of application, by the general pursuit and directing authority of the police."
There are many who are still unable to see this; there are many who still think that the invoice that will be sent to the government will be lessened. There are many who are still unable to go beyond the layout of an equation with a single unknown; it"s unbelievable…