In one of my articles after the crisis, which presented itself after MIT undersecretary Fidan had been called to give his statement on February 7th 2012, I had written as follows:
"It"s obvious that Turkey is face to face with a "sharp edge", which is the creation of Turkey"s transformation process. Rasping this edge had become the essential issue of Turkey today.
This sharp edge, (…) presents itself in front of us as a "jurisdiction-police mechanism that is becoming autonomous and expands its territory". Beyond the Fidan issue, the problem created by this edge is affecting the functioning of the constitutional state in the politics quality cases like Ergenekon, Balyoz, KCK and giving off autonomous smells via uncontrolled jurisdiction and security mechanism.
Consequently, the MIT crisis, other than being an attempt, is pointing out "authoritative tendencies" reasons" to one of the sharpest issues in the recent period, and unfurling the issue starkly (…)
Now it"s time to "take precaution and rasp ".
1. Special court and prosecutors issues should definitely be handled and the infamous 250th and 251st clauses should be reviewed with an overview. This way, jurisdiction"s action area should be subjugated to judiciary supervision and measures.
2. In the prosecutions, that includes political direction, the democratic and judiciary supervision of the intelligence area should be provided, a judicial police issue should be actualized, and the prosecutor-police relation should be connected to solid judiciary principles.
3. Investigation and prosecution files, at the Istanbul Security Office and Courthouse, in which the critical cases are ongoing, should be addressed via new inspections and reassignments and inspected.
The only obstacle against these at this point is the misbelief of the state that the democratic transformations haven"t been consolidated yet.
In our opinions, in the event that the political rulership takes steps forward in the tasking and law amendments, it carries the worry that periods like Ergenekon and Balyoz will be extended and return back…"
Sadly, this concern had taken the lead.
Liquidation and precaution idea and necessity wasn"t taken seriously.
And an important part of these precautions, which we had been pointed out in 2012, had been postponed.
And the results were the December 17th-25th attempts.
As for the precautions taken since 2014, they always carried an aspect, that is rough, shaking the system and creating authoritative oppression.
Today, even the news, which only appears in the newspapers, is showing the place to which we have arrived. We are talking about a structure, which had wiretapped the Prime Minister, ministers, Chief of the General Staff and has listened to 80 out of 180 crypto phones. Or we are talking about the parallel state watching the real state closely…
That structure, which is experiencing a power grow up by adding rotten and fake elements inside real evidences and cases, had later on criminalized the criticisms targeted at itself and names like Avci, Sener and Sik. And when it failed to get a reaction, the structure had tried to establish a predominance originating in the administration of the country as of 2012.
This dominance pursuit shouldn"t be regarded only as a rulership struggle.
The Kurdish policy that is special to and designed by the Gülen supporters, mafia, drugs and security policies had started to be applied by the Gülen-led network"s elements inside the state, and these government policies have started to be directed within this frame and started to be created through de facto circumstances.
And finally, this pursuit finally had gravitated towards limiting the rulership after it exceeded implementing policies.
As for the government"s schoolroom attempt, it has been transformed into a decision, which is cutting out the rulership.
Today, this is the issue Turkey is dealing with.
We have a democracy issue in front of us.